Holsinger Donald C. After describing the problems of documentation concerning the study of trans-Saharan trade in the nineteenth century, the author, while studying migration and trade in Algerian Sahara, shows how, even before the XlXth century, Saharan trade was part of a larger network spanning the Mediterranean and Islamic worlds. Then, focusing on the period from to , he examines the impact of the French conquest of Algena on trans-Saharan trade. He concentrates on the role of the Mizab region and population in the French policy of Saharan penetration. The outlines of nineteenth-century Saharan economic history are gradually taking shape.
Songhay collected the bulk of her revenue from the taxes levied on trade caravans. Increasingly restrictive regulations on nomad migration movements suplies the Tell further heightened tensions. This sahaan not to suggest that there are no elements of truth in these explanations. These old paintings show areas which are now in the desert as fertile, Trans saharan supplies with animals which can no longer live in Trans saharan supplies desert areas, such as buffalos, elephants, rhinoceros, and hippopotamus. An in-depth understanding would require that trade be set within the broader system of production, distribution and consumption. Unlike Ghana, Mali was a Muslim kingdom since his foundation, and under it, the gold—salt Trsns continued. The Malian masses which were mostly animist then, were soon converted by the fresh pilgrims. The Mizab region furnished the bulk of this product, much of which was exported to Leghorn and France 1 1. The herdsmen of the Fezzan of Libyaknown as the Garamantescontrolled these routes as early as BC.
Terapia para paralisis facial. Trade routes of the Algerian Sahara in the XlXth Century.
Perhaps the most famous and influential kingdom linked to the trans-Saharan trade was that of Mali. They were chewed to supplkes thirst in desert caravans, and they were such a popular stimulant that their use by West Africans sometimes approximated addiction. The survival of a caravan was precarious and would rely on careful coordination. Skip to content Please click this link to download the chapter. Ancient Egyptian Stone Vessels. Namespaces Article Talk. Not counting Cairo, Sahran, there were five major starting or sauaran points for the trade in the north from which some gold and other products were regularly transported into the Mediterranean and Europe : Marrakesh, Fez, Algiers, Qayrawan, and Tripoli. The need for places where business could be transacted promoted increased urbanization in Trams Sudanic and Sahelian areas, from villages to walled cities White cotton panties photo shoot commercial centers with populations in excess of one hundred thousand residents. The Darb el-Arbain trade route, passing through Kharga in the south and Asyut in the north, was used from as early as the Old Kingdom for Trans saharan supplies transport and trade of goldivoryTrans saharan supplieswheatanimals and plants. This disruption to trade led to a dramatic decline in the importance of these cities Trans saharan supplies the resulting animosity reduced trade considerably.
The arrival of European sea traders at the Guinea coastlands in the 15th century clearly marks a new epoch in their history and in the history of all of western Africa.
- Please click this link to download the chapter.
- Trans-Saharan trade requires travel across the Sahara north and south to reach sub-Saharan Africa from the North African coast, Europe , to the Levant.
- It is seen as an opportunity to diversify the European Union 's gas supplies.
- As Adu Boahen has explained, the trans-Saharan caravan trade began to take place on a regular basis during the fourth century, as an expanded version of the pre-existing intra- and interregional trade among peoples of the forest, savanna, Sahel, and Sahara.
Holsinger Donald C. After describing the problems of documentation concerning the study of trans-Saharan trade in the nineteenth century, the author, while studying migration and trade in Algerian Sahara, shows how, even before the XlXth century, Saharan trade was part of a larger network spanning the Mediterranean and Islamic worlds.
Then, focusing on the period from to , he examines the impact of the French conquest of Algena on trans-Saharan trade. He concentrates on the role of the Mizab region and population in the French policy of Saharan penetration.
The outlines of nineteenth-century Saharan economic history are gradually taking shape. Detailed regional studies constitute the pieces which, once assembled, may permit a broad understanding of Saharan trade over time.
Recent research has challenged some of the long-accepted assumptions about a general decline in trans- Saharan commerce during the nineteenth centuryG.
It appears that the second half of the century saw a significant increase in trans-Saharan exchange, at least on certain routes.
However, much remains tentative. Only through continuing research will the history of the nineteenth-century Sahara be brought into focus.
A major obstacle to the formulation of a macro-history of the Sahara during the nineteenth century is the unevenness of the historical evidence. In some regions the documentation is rich; in others it is almost nonexistent. This presents serious problems for the construction of a general overview since a rise or fall in trade in one region may be the reflection of a Saharan- wide trend or it may be the compensating adjustment of a change elsewhere in the commercial network.
Without reliable evidence, it is impossible to know which was the case, and hence, attempts to generalize become speculative. Nor can one assume that a lack of surviving documentation is necessarily an indication of commercial inactivity in a particular location. This article focuses on the history of the north-central Algerian Sahara, a region at the center of which lay the Mizab confederation.
Ghardaia, the capital and largest of the seven cities of the Mizab, had emerged in previous centuries as an important commercial center of the northern Sahara. A search through nineteenth-century French archives on northern Africa has revealed a relatively rich and unexplored body of data on trade in this region. A complete analysis of the evidence will require considerable time and effort. In the meantime, this study is a first step in the process of piecing together the history of commerce in the north-central Algerian Sahara 2.
Among the richest sources for the early nineteenth-century Algerian Sahara are several studies by Ernest Carette, a French army officer and member of the "Commis-. Carette's works are of special value because of the scarcity of information on the Sahara prior to European penetration and because of his careful attention to detail.
For several years following , Carette spent his time frequenting cafes, fonduks and markets where Maghri- bian merchants met to trade and converse. By comparing systematically his orally- gathered accounts, Carette produced some remarkably detailed descriptions of the northern Sahara prior to the changes which accompanied the expansion of French influence in the decades after His quantitative estimates must be treated with caution and his belief in the potential for European exploitation of Saharan commerce appears naive from our vantage point.
But overall, his works are invaluable sources for nineteenth-century Saharan history. They have been utilized extensively in what follows. Migration and trade in the northern Algerian Sahara.
A history of trade in the Algerian Sahara is only one aspect of the economic history of the region. An in-depth understanding would require that trade be set within the broader system of production, distribution and consumption. Nevertheless, trade can be identified as an historical theme even if it cannot be isolated from its social and economic contexts.
And no one can deny its importance in the history of the Sahara. The nineteenth century witnessed the transformation of Algeria from a loosely- centralized state paying nominal allegiance to the Ottoman Sultan into a settler colony dominated by France. Viewed within the perspective of the global economy, this change was one manifestation of a rapidly-expending Euro-centered capitalist system.
Saharan commerce had long been an important part of a larger economic network spanning the Mediterranean and Islamic worlds. But the nineteenth century saw some basic changes as Saharan populations were drawn increasingly into the capitalist world system. In order to understand the mechanisms of northern Saharan trade, it is necessary to conceptualize the general outlines of nomad migration patterns.
Along the northern rim of the Sahara, pastoralists lived in close enough proximity to the cultivated regions of the north the Tell to include them in their annual north-south migrations. An east-west line of oasis settlements, including the Mizab, was scattered along the northern fringe of the desert These market centers functioned as ports of exchange between the Sahara and the Tell and relied on the regular north-south movements of pastoralists for a range of vital goods and services.
Characteristic of the social and economic organization of the Algerian Sahara was the sharp distinction between nomadic and sedentary modes of existence.
A network of basic services linked nomad and sedentary populations in a symbiotic relationship. The nature of the power relationship between the two groups varied. In some cases, a well-defined stratification separated a dominant nomad class from a subservient cultivator class.
In the Mizab confederation, by contrast, the sedentary population was populous enough and strong enough to maintain control of the productive resources of the oases. That is not to say that nomads and sedentaries were not interdependent Pastoralists relied on the permanent residents for storage and market facilities, for banking services, and for a number of goods produced in the oases. In exchange, camel nomads served as transporters, as armed escorts, and as suppliers of meat, milk and other products.
The following proverb expressed the importance of market centers such as the Mizab for pastoralists : "Le Tell est le Tell, mais le Mizab est aussi le Tell" 5. If worse came to worse, and the annual migrations to the north could not be carried out, nomads could count on obtaining essential supplies in the Mizab. At the same time, both sedentary and nomadic populations depended on the Tell for grain and other key commodities.
Trade links between Saharan oases and the Tell could not be interrupted for long without threatening the economic viability of northern Saharan societies. Annual migrations among pastoralists in the northern Algerian Sahara followed a typical pattern.
There were many variations to it of course, depending on factors such as climatic conditions, abundance of pasture, insecurity of travel, market conditions and food reserves. In typical years nomads spent winter and spring spread out over the Saharan terrain as their flocks of camels, sheep and goats grazed on the vegetation from the winter rains. Toward the end of spring they congregated around their "home" oasis settlements, loaded their camels with dates, woolen woven goods and other products, and migrated to the north as families or clans.
Arriving in the Tell at grain harvest time, they remained in the cultivated northern regions through the summer, exchanging their merchandise for grain, raw wool, sheep and manufactured items which they would consume or trade after their return to the Sahara. During the stay in the north, the flocks would graze on and help to fertilize the recently-harvested land. Traditionally, the ruling authorities in the Tell assessed the nomads a fee for the privilege of frequenting the large markets.
At the end of summer the nomads migrated southward, arriving at their "home" settlements just before date harvest time. If they owned palm gardens, they would oversee the date harvest and prepare the fruit for storage or exchange. During this season Saharan markets were extremely active as products from the Tell - wheat, barley, raw wool, hardware, luxury items - were exchanged for dates, woven goods, and other products. Once these operations were terminated, the pastoralists spread out again over the desert expanse to recommence the cycle.
This regular north-south movement of people and animals, in which staple commodities made up the bulk of commerce, served as the basic avenue of commercial exchange in the northern Algerian Sahara.
Ernest Carette noted four principal routes linking the Algerian Tell with the Sahara in this way. The westernmost one extended from Mascara to El Abiod, the easternmost one from Constantine to Touggourt. The two middle routes, extending south from Medea and Bou Saada respectively, converged on Ghardaia, the principal market of the region.
Goods flowing east and west followed three main routes. Luxury goods arriving from Europe via Morocco or Tunisia and transported in merchant caravans made up the bulk of this commerce. The Mizab region lay on the southernmost of these routes and merchants from the Mizab were very active in this trade. In addition, there were two diagonal currents of trade, one extending from El Oued through Biskra to Algiers and the other from the Mizab through Laghouat to Constantine and Tunis.
Caravans taking these routes specialized in woven goods, slaves, and gold-dust heading north, with European cottons, olive oil, Kabyle woven goods, and silks and perfumes flowing south. Carette stressed the importance of Ghardaia and Bou Saada in Algerian commerce. Bou Saada was situated in the center of a circle of trade on whose circumference Ghardaia lay. Ghardaia, in turn, was the center of a larger commercial circle ; it was in communication with Tunis via eastern Algerian Saharan oases, with Algiers via Bou Saada and Laghouat, with Morocco via Tafilalt and Figuig, and with sub- Saharan Africa via Metlili and El Golea.
As described by Carette,. As for trans-Saharan trade in the early 18 40 's, Carette pictured it as a gigantic hourglass-shaped network, spreading out at both the northern and southern ends and converging in the middle on the Touat, a veritable archipelago of oases situated about kilometers southwest of the Mizab and linked to the latter by El Golea.
Ghada- mes served as a similar focal point for trade further east. Chaamba transporters from Metlili often contracted with Mizabi dealers in commercial ventures, Ghardaia being less than a day's journey from Metlili. Imported to the Mizab from the Touat via El Golea were slaves, gold-dust, henna, alum, saltpeter and camels.
Exports to the south included wheat, olive oil, lard and dried beans 8. From his inquiries Carette concluded that there were few direct links between Ouargla, once the great port of the Algerian Sahara, and the Touat. Rather, the bulk of commerce between the north-central Algerian Sahara and the Touat followed the route from El Golea to the Mizab, a route which Carette called one of the most frequently travelled routes of the Algerian Sahara.
To what extent this portrait of Algerian Saharan trade can be projected back in time is difficult to say. Information on the Algerian Sahara prior to is extremely rare. It has been assumed generally that Algeria's trade with the Sudan prior to was insignificant, especially in relation to the major trade routes to the east and west.
It is true that Ouargla had lost its commercial prominence long before the French conquest of Algiers 9. However, much of that prominence had been taken over by the Mizab. Whatever the relative or absolute dimensions of trans-Saharan trade, there was constant commercial activity between the Mizab region and northern Algerian markets in the century preceding This trade, much of which probably consisted. In the early eighteenth century an English observer at Algiers noted two way- stations utilized by the Mizabis in their travels to Algiers A half-century later in , Venture de Paradis recorded that ostrich plumes had been an important branch of commerce in the Regency of Algiers for the previous quarter-century.
The Mizab region furnished the bulk of this product, much of which was exported to Leghorn and France 1 1. The second half of the eighteenth century, despite the picture of commercial decadence which has sometimes been painted for the Regency, appears to have witnessed considerable commercial activity in the Algerian Sahara, related perhaps to the period of stability and prosperity under Dey Baba Muhammad ibn 'Uthman who ruled at Algiers from to William Shaler's description of Algiers reveals that trade between the Algerian Tell and Saharan markets had declined over the preceding decades.
In contrast to Venture de Paradis, who had described the Mizabis as maintaining direct links with Timbuktu, Shaler found that the Mizab's links with sub-Saharan Africa took place only via Ghadames and Tafilalt At the same time, however, Shaler noted that the Mizabis were active in what trade there was between their homeland and northern Algeria Shaler's bleak assessment of the economic health of the Regency, where he saw the state suffering from a severe foreign trade deficit and oppressive taxation, has been used without justification to characterize Turkish Algeria in general.
In fact, considerable decline had occurred since the rule of Baba Muhammad in the second half of the eighteenth century. Effects of French conquest The immediate effect of the French conquest of Algiers in was the disruption of commercial relations between Algiers and its hinterland.
West Africa received salt, cloth, beads, and metal goods. Just as European power was beginning to expand along the West African coast in the 15 th century, therefore, so the impact of the trans-Saharan trade reached its zenith. Predynastic Egyptians in the Naqada I period traded with Nubia to the south, the oases of the Western Desert to the west, and the cultures of the eastern Mediterranean to the east. Southern Routes. These textiles were generally for the elite—including resident foreign merchants, rulers, and highly placed administrative staff—rather than the local population.
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By the fifteenth century, the Portuguese were bringing in large quantities of cloth to pay for the slaves and gold. Copper from southern Morocco and the Byzantine Empire was also imported to the Sahel and the Western Sudan, as were silver, tin, lead, perfumes, bracelets, books, stone and coral beads, glass jewelry, and drinking implements.
In addition to gold, slaves, and cloth, the Western Sudan exported animal hides, civet musk, spices, ambergris, kola nuts, and shea butter used for cooking oil, lamp lighting, and soap manufacture. Kola nuts became one of the primary sources of income for Mali and Songhai.
Dyula-Wangara traders carried them from their forest source to the savanna and Sahel in pouches of wet leaves to keep them fresh. They did not become an important product of international trade until the nineteenth century, but they were widely traded in the Western Sudan from the twelfth century onward. Kola nuts were frequently used in rituals, ceremonies, and celebrations. They were chewed to relieve thirst in desert caravans, and they were such a popular stimulant that their use by West Africans sometimes approximated addiction.
Pattern of Trade. By the eleventh century a typical caravan included one thousand camels. It might, for example, set out from Sijilmasa loaded with salt from Taghaza, foodstuffs, cloth, perfumes, and other goods from the Maghrib.
Its next stop was Wadan, an oasis in the present-day nation of Mauritania, where some of the goods were sold and new items purchased; then the caravan went to Walata or Tichitt on the southern edge of the Sahara, and finally it went on to Timbuktu.
The number of camels on a return journey to Sijilmasa was typically less than half the number that arrived in Timbuktu because gold and other forest products were less bulky and much lighter in weight than the blocks of salt. The Dyula-Wangara Trading Network.
Only a small group of people in each state participated in longdistance trade in the Western Sudan. The bulk of the population was fishermen, herdsmen, agriculturalists, and hunter-soldiers. One group that was essential to the trade process was the itinerant Mande-speaking traders known as the Dyula or the Wangara, who from at least the eighth century operated trade routes along the upper Niger River from Timbuktu and across the Senegal.
During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, they traveled into the. Akan forests, as gold trade shifted from the upper Gambia and Casamance area of Bambuk to Bure. Leo Africanus, who visited the Songhai Empire in , described these itinerant merchants selling their wares throughout West Africa, and German explorer Heinrich Earth found them living and trading among the Hausa at Katsina in the nineteenth century. The Portuguese reported that Dyula-Wangara trading activities between the coast and the Sahel were so important that Europeans who hoped to have successful commercial ventures in the region should accommodate their plans to the habits of those indigenous traders or risk unnecessary disruptions in the flow of trade goods.
Insular Clan. The Dyula-Wangara have been described as a rather insular, endogamous clan of occupational merchants who characteristically married within their own group and traveled as whole families along established commercial routes.
Their small to large donkey caravans carried books, slaves, cotton cloth, iron bars, kola nuts, gold, salt, perfumes, beads, cowries, and copper, among other items. They apparently enjoyed a special status in a broad area of West Africa and were allowed to travel even through war zones without fear of harm from either side of the combatants.
African Jews. From the twelfth century onward, significant numbers of Jews residing in Morocco helped to finance and expand the trans-Saharan trade. They migrated from southern Morocco, especially Wadi Dara, into the Sahel. By the fifteenth century, Jews made up roughly half the population of Sijilmasa in southeastern Morocco, the central city for the trans-Saharan trade going to Ghana and the rest of the Western Sudan.
Becoming well known as merchants, financiers, goldsmiths, and silversmiths, they invested in long-distance trade along the principal routes from Sijilmasa to Walata through Taghaza.
Jewish goldsmiths and silversmiths also resided in Walata and Audaghost, and the oral traditions of Mauritania credit them with introducing goldsmithing in the Sahel and savanna. Gold from the Sahel was regularly exported north in twisted threads and coils that were fashioned by Jewish goldsmiths or smiths they had taught. Adu Boahen, with J. El Fasi and I. Cite this article Pick a style below, and copy the text for your bibliography.
October 28, Retrieved October 28, from Encyclopedia. On the meeting on 20 February , NNPC and Sonatrach agreed to proceed with the draft Memorandum of Understanding between three governments and the joint venture agreement. Nigeria, Niger and Algeria are among the least secure areas in the region because of various active terrorist movements that destabilise them.
The company would include also the Republic of Niger. Russian gas company Gazprom has negotiated with Nigeria about its possible participation in the project. The pipeline is opposed by the Nigerian militant group Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta. A spokesman for the group warned that until issues regarding the exploitation of the Niger Delta and its people have been resolved, "any money put into the project will go down the drain.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Trans-Saharan gas pipeline Location of Trans-Saharan gas pipeline. Energy portal. Retrieved 3 July This Day. Retrieved 29 July Retrieved 23 February Retrieved 4 July Downstream Today. BBC News. Retrieved 27 January Business Intelligence Middle East.
Caravan , a group of merchants, pilgrims, or travelers journeying together, usually for mutual protection in deserts or other hostile regions. In the deserts of Asia and northern Africa, the animal most commonly used in caravans was the camel , because of its catholic appetite, its ability to go without water for several days, and its loading capacity.
Passengers were carried in panniers slung one on each side of the camel. The size of the caravan was dependent upon the amount of traffic, the insecurity of the route, and the availability of camels. Even in its decline in this latter caravan numbered 20, camels.
Ropes, passed through the nose ring and tied to the saddle of the camel in front, were used to fasten the camels together in strings of up to Three or four strings might travel abreast, as was usual with nomad drivers, or the whole caravan might travel in one long line, as in some Chinese caravans. Consequently the Orenburg caravan left Bukhara after the melting of the Russian winter snows, and the Basra caravan left Aleppo after the Middle Eastern rains of late autumn.
In progress, a caravan averaged 2—3 miles 3—5 km per hour for 8 to 14 hours each day or, in hot weather, each night. If possible, it was arranged to stop at a caravansary , which usually consisted of a courtyard, surrounded on all sides by a number of small rooms on an elevation, with stables or storerooms underneath. Although the opening of the sea routes from Europe to the East was partly responsible for the decline of certain routes such as the great Silk Road from China to the Mediterranean , several important caravan routes yet flourished until the 19th century, when road and rail transport and the abolition of the slave trade resulted largely in their demise.
Some local caravans still survive in the absence of alternative transport, and certain others because of some particular appeal or advantage. Some of the Muslim pilgrim caravans continue, for example, because it is regarded as more meritorious to travel the hard traditional route.
Article Media. Info Print Cite. Submit Feedback. Thank you for your feedback. See Article History. Start Your Free Trial Today. Learn More in these related Britannica articles:. Most of the principal routes were west of the Tibesti Mountains and tended to shift somewhat over time, although the easternmost of these—which ran northward from Lake Chad to Bilma now in Niger and through….
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